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uppababy similar stroller UPPAbaby Vista V3 StrollerThe UppaBaby Vista V3 Double Stroller includes the following items to give you the perfect UppaBaby Double Stroller for your growing family. The Vista V3 Double Stroller includes the Vista V3 Single to Double Stroller in addition to the Vista V3 Rumbleseat & Upper Adapters. Our Vista stroller is intuitively designed to grow with your family! It starts as a single stroller but can easily transform to accommodate up to three children with added
The UppaBaby Vista V3 Double Stroller includes the following items to give you the perfect UppaBaby Double Stroller for your growing family. The Vista V3 Double Stroller includes the Vista V3 Single to Double Stroller in addition to the Vista V3 Rumbleseat & Upper Adapters.
Our Vista stroller is intuitively designed to “grow” with your family! It starts as a single stroller but can easily transform to accommodate up to three children with added accessories and adapters — becoming the ultimate in portability and convenience!
The UppaBaby Vista V3 Single-to-Double Stroller is a full-size single-to-double stroller system uniquely designed to fit every growing family With its intuitive design and over 30 ways to customize your ride, the reimagined Vista V3 Stroller was designed to effortlessly fit every growing family, from first child to last.
Starting as a single stroller, it easily transforms to accommodate up to three children, offering the epitome of portability and convenience. The Vista V3 provides the most premium ride through every season.
UppaBaby Vista V3 Features & Benefits
- Offering 30+ configurations to grow with your family starting from birth up to 3 children in tow
- Enhanced FlexRide Suspension delivers a smooth ride whether strolling with 1, 2, or 3
- All-Weather Comfort Seat with Seasonal Seat Liner for cooler days that converts to mesh for warmer days
- Quick-to-secure harness system with magnetic buckle and easy-to-adjust, no-rethread harness
- Parent-facing and forward-facing full size, toddler seat grows with child up to 50 lbs Max Weight: 50 lbs from birth with infant insert accessory
- Effortlessly folds in one simple step & stands when folded for compact storage
- Extendable, water-repellent UPF 50+ canopy and easy-to-peek window for added air flow
- Extra-large, easy-access basket with 30 lb. weight limit to easily store all your essentials while strolling
- Premium fabrics and full-grain REACH certified leather details
- The Bassinet, Mesa, and Aria Infant Car Seats attach directly to stroller without adapters to create a from-birth solution Toddler Seat / Frame
- Never flat tires for durability and smooth strolling through various terrain
- Reflective trims on wheels and basket to enhance visibility while strolling
- Ability to transport up to three children with RumbleSeat and PiggyBack accessories
- One-handed multi-position recline for those resting strolls
- Extendable water-repellant canopy with UPF 50+ protection, zip-out fabric, and mesh panels with covering for added protection for any weather
- One-hand, adjustable handlebar to better accommodate different heights
- Front wheel locks with visual indicators for parents peace of mind
- Adjustable footrest positions feet and legs comfortably as they grow
- GREENGAURD Gold certified to suppose healthier air quality & low chemical emissions
The UppaBaby RumbleSeat V3 directly attaches to your Vista V3 to easily accommodate two in tow through all seasons and stages. Comfort meets convenience with the RumbleSeat V3. Easily attach this second seat to your Vista with the large hubs and adapters, offering a simple and intuitive experience for parents. Children can grow with the RumbleSeat V3 thanks to the 40 lb/18.1 kg weight limit, multi-position footrest, and forward- and parent-facing capabilities. With an All-Weather Comfort Seat, large frame, and height-adjustable canopy, the RumbleSeat V3 is the perfect, multitasking stroller seat solution for growing families in any season and stage.
Suitable for children from 3 months to 40 lbs or 36 in/ 18.1 kg or 91.4 cm, whichever comes first
UppaBaby RumbleSeat V3 for Vista V3/V2
- All-Weather Comfort Seat with Seasonal Seat Liner for cooler days converts to mesh for warmer days
- Quick-to-secure harness system with magnetic buckle and no-rethread harness
- Adjustable footrest to aid in child comfort as child grows
- One handed, multi-position recline can be positioned both forward- and parent-facing
- Grow-with-me canopy height adjustment to provide extra headspace
- Extendable, water-repellent UPF 50+ canopy and vented peekaboo window for added air flow
- Large hubs and adapters ensure quick, easy, and intuitive attachment to Vista
- Premium fabrics and full-grain REACH certified leather details
- GREENGUARD Gold Certified: Supporting healthier air quality & low chemical emissions
- Removable and washable fabric
- Snack Tray accessory fits bumper bar attachment
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4.8 ★★★★★
Based on 14 reviews
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Product Reviews
★★★★★ 5
A must-read for anyone interested in communication studies, rhetoric, American public debates
Format: Paperback
In this seminal book, Fisher expounds his "narrative paradigm," a sweeping theory of human communication and more. Professor Emeritus at USC's Annenberg School of Communication, Fisher's discipline was rhetoric. But the book's subtitle -- "Toward a Philosophy of Reason, Value, and Action" -- isn't a stretch. Fisher's theory is a grand project extending its purview way beyond the communication department's door. At root is Fisher's rejection of what he calls the "rational world paradigm," which falsely separates logos from mythos, reason from imagination, fact from value. Doesn't work that way, Fisher says. No such thing as a value-free belief, assertion, or action. Instead, we evaluate according to a "logic of good reasons" -- reasons we value as good -- rooted in the narratives of our experience.
An under-appreciated aspect of Fisher's work is the application of his theory to American politics. America's most enduring narrative is The American Dream. But that dream comprises two sub-narrative strands: the "materialistic myth" and the "moralistic myth." These two strands broadly represent conservative and progressive impulses respectively, but those threadbare categories don't do Fisher's explication justice. The two myths find their roots in the narratives of the earliest Americans, and have been battling it out ever since. It's a credible understanding of the history of American public moral debates.
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Reviewed in the United States on April 28, 2010
★★★★★ 4
Insider's Book
Format: Paperback
Wlater R. Fisher is an expert in his field. His grasp of classical theory is daunting. Human Communication as Narrative explains his new theory well. However, it IS an insider's book, intended for scholars. I have a master's degree in rhetoric and composition, and my progress through it was slow--however, this was more attributable to my having stopped at an MA than it was to Fisher. I found his theory exhaustively researched, skillfully and thoughfully developed, and eminently applicable to the practice of contemporary rhetorical study. I would regard this book as a must-have for any serious student of rhetoric.
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Reviewed in the United States on April 22, 2011
★★★★★ 5
Not only will this give you a great overview/introduction, but Fisher is a good writer as ...
Format: Paperback
I'm a fan of the Narrative Paradigm, and this is the seminal work on that. Not only will this give you a great overview/introduction, but Fisher is a good writer as well. Very clear, succinct, and engaging.
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Reviewed in the United States on December 1, 2016
★★★★★ 5
The Dark Roots of Liberalism
Format: Hardcover
Italian philosopher/intellectual history Domenico Losurdo's study of the origins of liberalism is a tour de force of thorough scholarship and rigorous critique. Losurdo seems to have read all of the collected works of all of the significant thinkers in the liberal tradition, from Locke to de Tocqueville and beyond, and has created a coherent and compelling narrative of their themes and variations, as well as their rhetorical tropes and myriad contradictions.
Classical liberalism, as here presented, is an attempt to translate the world, in all its richness and mystery, into property, and to transform property into the fullest expression of both nature and nature's God. It involves fetishizing "liberty" and disdaining equality, which is seen -- correctly -- as potentially compromising the God-given prerogatives of property holders.
Losurdo's liberals divide the world into the "community of the free" -- always a minority -- and the servile majority. These masses do not deserve liberty or political participation because they perceive government as a way to address human suffering, and not simply as a bulwark protecting the divine rights of capital, i.e. the "private" realm. The classical liberal sees government as good to the extent that it has no social function at all -- because poverty and radical inequity are understood not as the outcome of human social and political arrangements, but as a reflection of immutable natural law and simple human frailty. Social Darwinist and eugenic motifs float through the Liberal symphony almost from the beginning, supplanting without really changing the earlier Protestant notion of predestination, but shifting the location of eternal reward or damnation to the marketplace and workplace.
Thus liberalism sides against social emancipation, whether of slaves or peasants or factory laborers. The job of workers within a liberal commonwealth, as depicted by most of these thinkers, is to embrace their freedom to starve and cherish the institutions that oppress them in the sweet and holy name of Liberty. Slavery makes many of these thinkers uneasy, but it is not as profoundly disturbing to them as the prospect of central government tampering with the sacred rights of property holders by abolishing an institution that makes a mockery of any concept of human liberty.
It is the radical thinkers of the French Revolution, and those influenced by them, who come out favorably here -- the ones who believe that the community must be seen as one body, and that freedom and dignity belong to all, without exception. Losurdo reminds us that it was not classical liberals who abolished slavery -- it was the Black Jacobins who brought the Rights of Man to the subjugated Africans of Haiti in history's only successful slave rebellion (at least since Moses). They were supported by the religiously inspired abolitionists, who saw slavery in moral rather than capitalist terms.
Losurdo shows that liberalism took on the despotism of Church and Crown, only to create a harsher and colder absolutism of Money and Market, wrapped up in the rhetoric of Reason and tied with the ribbon of Freedom. And though classical liberalism has mutated over time and allowed the community of the free to expand somewhat, its fundamental biases remain in place, as witnessed in every ding-dong attack against "big government" or the "nanny state." Losurdo's "counter-history" of liberalism places these tediously reflexive political gambits in historical context, showing that they are rooted in a vision of the state as a kind of gated community, serving those within the threshold of privilege, suppressing those on the outside.
At a time when political discourse centers on the percentages of the included and excluded, the worthy and the unworthy -- Occupy Wall Street's 1 percent and 99 percent, Mitt Romney's 47 percent (which was also his percentage of the vote) -- Losurdo's study is highly relevant and enlightening. It underscores the deep tensions between classical liberalism -- with its governance by and for the elite, and passive citizenship for the rest -- and the ideals of participatory and inclusive democracy, i.e., social democracy. It is an important book, and I recommend it to everyone with an interest in the history of political theory, and a desire to understand why our own political processes seem to take place in an abstract realm so cosmically distant from the reality of everyday life.
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Reviewed in the United States on November 24, 2012
★★★★★ 5
A brilliant reassessment of Western intellectual history
Format: Kindle
"Liberalism: A Counter History" by Domenico Losurdo offers a brilliant reassessment of Western intellectual history. Dr. Losurdo is a leading Italian intellectual who has taught at university for many decades. Dr. Losurdo's book will interest readers desiring bold, thoughtful and compelling perspectives on U.S. and European history; with insights that may be very useful to us today.
More than anything else, Dr. Losurdo's work articulates a highly original and powerful critique of the ideology of capitalist property relations. Diving into the writings of John Locke, Adam Smith, Bernard de Mandeville and other influential Enlightenment thinkers, Dr. Losurdo explains that the principle goal of liberalism (used here in the European sense of the word) was to secure the rights of property holders over the poor; without the meddlesome interference of church and monarchy.
Readers who are accustomed to viewing U.S. history through rose-colored glasses will find their views severely challenged here. Dr. Losurdo persuasively argues that Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin and other revolutionaries enthusiastically embraced liberal ideology in order to help institutionalize its brutal slave economy. Put another way, it seems that Independence was ultimately about the prerogatives of the elite class who comprised the "community of the free" to buy, sell and own slaves. Dr. Losurdo goes on to explain how Americans put philosophy into service to justify Anglo-Saxon racial superiority and the violent dispossession of native peoples' lands.
Dr. Losurdo discusses how liberalism has influenced world history since the American Revolution. Through Dr. Losurdo's scholarship, we gain appreciation for the inherent tension that exists between liberalism's `emancipation' of the people who are privileged by virtue of their race and class; versus the `dis-emancipation' of the working class and poor who are comprised mostly of people of color. So, while liberals' greatest proponents have tended to use violence to lock in elite privilege (colonialism, the U.S. Civil War, the two World Wars), radicals have often struggled in the name of freedom for the people (the Haitian Revolution and the French Revolution).
Importantly, Dr. Losurdo challenges us to rethink the idea that progress is a natural by-product of liberalism. It is probably more accurate to say that liberals would be content to have the people live in misery; and that freedoms have been gained by ordinary people through struggle and collective action. The importance of this insight cannot be overstated. By compelling us to think anew about the liberal legacy, we can more easily detect the liberal apologists who pander for the one percent; while empowering the 99 percent of us to speak truth to power.
I highly recommend this outstanding book to everyone.
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Reviewed in the United States on April 28, 2014